By Seth G. Jones
In Afghanistan, neighborhood groups have performed a serious function in safeguard, particularly in rural components. Afghan nationwide protection forces are vital to the top-down method, however the Afghan govt and NATO forces additionally have to leverage neighborhood groups to realize a complementary bottom-up process. This research discusses the viability of building neighborhood protection forces in Afghanistan and addresses issues in regards to the knowledge of such regulations.
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Additional resources for Afghanistan's Local War: Building Local Defense Forces
34 Miangul Jahanzeb and Frederick Barth, The Last Wali of Swat: An Autobiography, Bangkok: Orchid Press, 2006; Syed Miangul Faroosh, The Wali of Swat, Peshawar: Mian Gul Shahzada Mohammed Abdul Haq Jehanzeb, 1983. 35 Schmeidl and Karokhail, “The Role of Non-State Actors,” p. 324. 36 While each arbakai has a clear leader, they are accountable to the council (jirga or shura) that created the arbakai, as well as to the community. In sum, their loyalty is to their communities, not to an individual leader.
38 Tariq, Tribal Security System, p. 3. , “How War, a Tribal Social Structure and Donor Efforts Shape Institutional Change in Afghanistan: A Case Study of the Roads Sector,” presented at the 2007 Conference of the European Association for Evolutionary Political Economy, Porto, Portugal, November 1–3, 2007. 40 Tariq, Tribal Security System, p. 4. 41 Miakhel, “The Importance of Tribal Structures and Pakhtunwali in Afghanistan,” p. 1. 42 In some cases, size is based on the principle of tsalweshtai (40): One out of every 40 men in a tribe is selected to serve in the arbakai.
S. : United States Army, September 2009, p. 24. 4 On tribal engagement, see, for example, Jim Gant, One Tribe at a Time, Los Angeles: Nine Sisters Imports, 2009. Local Dynamics and Community Policing 17 non-Pashtuns, such as Gujar herdsmen who are attached to the khan’s lands or household, as well as families of various castes who are similarly attached. These may be Pashtuns or Kohistanis—or even Hindus or other non-Muslims. All are considered part of the khan khel, occupying widely divergent status, rights, and duties.