By Lowell Barrington

The majority of the present paintings on nationalism has based on its position within the production of recent states. After Independence breaks new floor by means of reading the adjustments to nationalism after independence in seven new states. This cutting edge quantity demanding situations students and experts to reconsider traditional perspectives of ethnic and civic nationalism and the department among primordial and constructivist understandings of nationwide identity.

"Where do nationalists pass when they get what they need? we all know relatively little approximately how nationalist events rework themselves into the governments of recent states, or how they could turn into rivals of recent regimes that, of their view, haven't taken the self-determination force a long way adequate. This stellar assortment contributes not just to comparative theorizing on nationalist routine, but in addition deepens our knowing of the contentious politics of nationalism's final product--new countries."
--Charles King, Chair of the school and Ion Ratiu affiliate Professor, Georgetown collage institution of overseas Service

"This well-integrated quantity analyzes vital editions of nationalism-postcolonial and postcommunist-in a sober, lucid means and may profit scholars and students alike."
--Zvi Gitelman, college of Michigan

Lowell W. Barrington is affiliate Professor of Political technological know-how, Marquette University.

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Extra resources for After Independence: Making and Protecting the Nation in Postcolonial and Postcommunist States

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Thus it is no coincidence that nationalism and the modern nation-state evolved alongside revolutionary changes which saw the western world acquiring mass education and mass markets. As later chapters in this study will show, the latter in turn laid the basis for nation-building in the nineteenth century and contributed to the growth of some of the most advanced centralised states in the modern world. Viewed thus the modern nineteenth-century nation-state emerged as an important building block of national and global capitalism.

Neither did it stem from the erosion of religious sensibilities or act, as Benedict Anderson sometimes suggests, as a substitute for religion in western Europe (Anderson, 1983, p. 85). In many European countries the rise of nationalism marked the coming of age of the ethnic intelligentsia and coincided with a decline in religious explanations for social phenomena, at least among the educated sectors of European society. Increasingly also nation-centred and enlightenment values formed the basis of bourgeois thought in modernising societies like Britain, France, the United States and Germany.

Recognising that the state was one of the chief regulators of political and economic life in the nation, he showed how state policies also had regional effects. He also showed how the southern intelligentsia attained local and regional dominance by siding with northern politicians in exchange for a share of public finance which they often used for their own gain. In so doing they helped maintain the territorial unity of the nation-state, fostered the development of clientalist politics and political corruption in the south, and did little to alleviate the region’s dire social and economic inequalities.

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