By George Sale, George Psalmanazar, Archibald Bower, George Shelvocke, John Campbell and John Swinton.

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Nevertheless, the Japanese government’s stance at the summit was not wholly founded on pride and awe, and it was not long before it began to assume roles, based on the norms that are explored in more detail in Chapter 6, which would define its participation in the summit thereafter. For example, the summit provided an opportunity to address US–Japan relations, especially in the economic sphere and over trade issues, although the emphasis turned to the political during the second cycle as the second cold war impacted upon the work of the summit.

However, this stance was to be a unilateral one based on Japan’s dependence on importing energy and need for nuclear fuel, not in collaboration with sympathetic European governments (The Japan Times, 25 and 28 April 1977: 1). Both European and Japanese leaders appeared to be cautious about being overly critical of Carter at such a high-profile meeting as London I (The Japan Times, 3 May 1977: 5). 7 per cent in 1977 (Asahi Shinbun, 20 April 1977: 9). Another meeting was held on the afternoon of 26 April and highlighted the same issues Fukuda had discussed at his meeting with UK journalists mentioned above (Yomiuri Shinbun, 27 April 1977: 2).

However, probably the biggest relief for the Japanese delegation was that they were not pressed or singled out over the trade imbalance and an undervalued yen. According to Mainichi Shinbun opinion polls conducted before and after the summit, support for the Miki administration increased slightly from 31 per cent in May to 32 per cent in September, whereas disapproval dropped from 34 per cent to 30 per cent over the same period (Mainichi Shinbun, 2 June 1976: 1; Mainichi Shinbun, 8 October 1976: 1).

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